Showing posts with label Africans. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Africans. Show all posts

The Safe Bus Company: A Legacy of Black Entrepreneurship in Winston-Salem



Photo: Mrs. Mary Miller Burns Green, the first woman to serve as the president of the Safe Bus Company. Her father and uncle, Elijah and Joseph Miller (respectively), were 2 out of the 13 original owners of Safe Bus Company.

In 1926, amidst the pervasive segregation of the American South, a group of African American entrepreneurs in Winston-Salem, North Carolina, came together to form the Safe Bus Company—a pioneering endeavor that would become the largest Black-owned transportation company in the nation.

Origins in Segregation



Prior to the establishment of Safe Bus, the predominantly Black neighborhoods of East Winston lacked access to public transportation. The city's trolley services, operated by Southern Public Utilities Company, did not extend into these areas, leaving residents reliant on a fragmented network of approximately 35 independent jitney operators. These jitneys, while providing essential services, were often uncoordinated and sometimes unsafe.

On April 24, 1926, Clarence T. Woodland brought together 21 jitney operators to establish a transportation service aimed at serving the African-American community, focusing on areas of the city that lacked adequate public transit options. Recognizing the need for a more reliable and organized transportation system, 13 African American businessmen pooled their resources, each contributing their life savings to purchase shares totaling $100,000. On May 26, 1926, they officially chartered the Safe Bus Company, named to reflect their commitment to providing safe and dependable service to their community .

Growth and Community Impact

Photo: the thirteen original owners of Safe Bus, a pioneering group of Black Entrepreneurs out of North Carolina who started a mass transportation company in Winston-Salem.

Under the leadership of its first president, Harvey F. Morgan, Safe Bus rapidly expanded. By 1935, the company was transporting 8,000 passengers daily and employed 75 individuals, with an annual payroll of $65,000. The company's success was a testament to the entrepreneurial spirit and resilience of its founders and the community they served .

Safe Bus not only provided essential transportation but also became a symbol of Black economic empowerment. It offered stable employment opportunities for Black residents, including positions as drivers, conductors, and administrative staff. The company's operations were a source of pride, demonstrating the capacity of African Americans to manage and sustain significant enterprises.

Challenges and Transition


The 1960s brought significant social changes, including the Civil Rights Movement and the desegregation of public facilities. In 1968, Safe Bus began offering services to all city residents, marking a significant shift from its original mission of serving the Black community exclusively. This expansion led to increased competition and a decline in ridership, as many white passengers preferred to use the newly integrated services .

Despite these challenges, Safe Bus continued to operate until 1972, when the Winston-Salem Transit Authority purchased its assets. This transition marked the end of an era for the company but ensured that its legacy lived on within the city's public transportation system .

Legacy


The Safe Bus Company's story is a powerful example of Black entrepreneurship and community resilience. It stands as a testament to the ability of African Americans to create and sustain enterprises that not only served their immediate needs but also contributed to the broader social and economic fabric of their communities.

Today, the legacy of Safe Bus is preserved through historical accounts and exhibits, reminding us of the importance of community-driven initiatives in shaping the history and progress of American society. 

Dusé Mohamed Ali: An Early Influence on the Nation of Islam and the Moorish Science Temple of America




Dusé Mohamed Ali
Dusé Mohamed Ali (b. 11/21/1866 – d. 6/25/1945, Lagos, Nigeria) was born in Alexandria, Egypt to Abdul Salem Ali, an Egyptian army officer, and a Nubian mother who was a national of Sudan but whose name is unknown. In 1876, at the age of 10, a young Ali went to England with a French officer friend of his father for schooling. Six years later, Ali returned to Egypt to settle his father’s estate. In September 1882, Ali’s father died after serving in the Egyptian military against the British in the Battle of Tel el-Kebir in Kassassin, Canal Zone, Egypt. Ali soon thereafter return to England, spending most of his adult life outside of Egypt, traveling widely within pan-African communities in Great Britain, Nigeria and the United States. 

Before his father died, Ali intended to study as a doctor but subsequently decided that he wanted to act and write. After completing his studies at the University of London, Ali began to perform in London and the British Isles in such productions as Othello and the Merchant of Venice. Ali established a stage career as a touring Shakespearean actor, performing in North America and the British provinces. He wrote and produced various plays, including The Jew’s Revenge (1903), A Cleopatra Night (1907), and the musical comedy Lily of Bermuda (1909). In London, Ali founded the Hull Shakespeare Society.

His early fame as an international scholar occurred after he published a short history of Egypt, reportedly the first such work written by an indigenous Egyptian in modern times. The book, The Land of the Pharaohs, received critical acclaim when it was published in 1911. In its introduction, Ali states that he was inspired to undertake the historical account because of the “continual growth of misrepresentation in the English Press touching on Egyptian affairs.” He goes on to state that “Roosevelt Guildhall peroration has proved the last straw of a most weighty bundle” — referencing U.S. president Theodore Roosevelt’s speech on Great Britain and Africa at Guildhall in London. 

In Roosevelt’s1910 speech at Guildhall, he asserts that in Egypt, Britain’s treating all religions with fairness caused an anti-foreign movement in which “murder on a large or small scale is expected to play a leading part.” The British government’s response to the speech was to send Lord Kitchener to Egypt as Consul-General to suppress what was seen as a socialist tendency among the young Nationalist party in Egypt. The London Spectator reported on the Guildhall speech stating “We thank Mr. Roosevelt once again for giving us so useful a reminder of our duty.” It was these series of events that led Ali to embark on addressing the historical account in his book The Land of the Pharaohs.

Duse Mohamed Ali:
The Autobiography

Fleet Street Office in London of
African Times & Orient Review
(Columbia Digital Library Collection)
Also an avid community organizer, Ali founded the Anglo-Ottoman Society in London and the Indian Muslim Soldiers’ Widows’ and Orphans’ War Fund. He was active in the League of Justice of the Afro-Asian Nations and the African Progress Union, an association of West Indian and African exiles founded in London in 1913. In addition to community activism, Ali published works in the London-based weekly New Age, at the time edited by Alfred Richard Orange, writing articles on Egyptian nationalism and global pan-African oppression. 

In 1911, the First Universal Races Congress was held at the University of London for four days — 7/26/1911 to 7/29/1911 — featuring speakers from various countries to discuss how to improve race relations and how to combat racism impacting global African communities in the world. Ali helped with the arrangements for the even and met a number of the prominent West African merchants and professionals in attendance at the four-day event. With the help of Sierra Leone-born journalist John Eldred Jones, Ali soon thereafter published the first political journal produced by and for Black people — The African Times and Orient Review. This pan-African journal was launched as a monthly publication in June 1912, described as a “monthly devoted to the interests of the coloured races of the world.” The Oxford Companion to Black British History describes the journal as a “militant magazine” that was committed to the “exposure of various colonial injustices.” 

The August 1912 issue of the African Times and Orient Review included a letter by J.E. Casey Hayford titled “A Tribute From Africa”. Hayford was a Ghanaian lawyer, educator, writer and statesman, who would go on to led the first meeting of the National Congress of British West Africa in London in 1920. In 1911, Hayford had published the novel Ethiopia Unbound. By 1927, Hayford was elected to the Ghana Legislative Council. 

When the Jamaican-born Marcus Mosiah Garvey, Jr. arrived in Britian in 1912, he became closely associated with Ali. In fact, Ali would become a mentor to Garvey as a staff member of the African Times and Orient Review. Garvey never converted to Islam but it is said that he learned a number of the basic tenets of Islam from Ali. He also learned a lot from Ali about pan-Africanism, the struggle of African people around the world against European oppression. 

July 1912 Issue of the
African Times Orient Review
From July to December 1913, the London-based African Times Orient Review was published monthly. From March 24 to August 18, 1914, it was published weekly. By the time the Great War (World War I) broke out on July 28, 1914, the journal was banned by Britain in India and its African colonies. The British government reported Ali as a ‘notorious disseminator of sedition.” In November 1917, a British colonial official stated that “in the old days the magazine was considered to be of doubtful loyalty, owing to Duse Mohamed’s pan-Ethiopian programme.” The journal stopped publishing after October 1918. The Great War ended November 11, 1918. Ali’s publication was relaunched as Africa and Orient Review, publishing from January 1920 to December 1920. 

After closing the London-office of Africa and Orient Review in 1920, Ali would arrive in the United States at Michigan in 1921. In Detroit, he founded the Universal Islamic Society. He never returned back to Britain. In the U.S., Ali worked with Garvey’s Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) movement based in Harlem, New York. He was a contributing writer for the UNIA’s Negro World publication and is noted as the head of its Africa section. In July 1921, Ali traveled to Nigeria and was welcomed at the Shitta Mosque at Lagos but would soon return back to the United States. In 1922, wearing his characteristic fez hat, Ali made many appearances among Detroit’s Black Muslim community. It is often speculated that Ali’s presence in Detroit impacted W. D. Fard Muhammad’s development of the Nation of Islam out of Detroit, which was founded in 1930. He may have also had a relationship with Noble Drew Ali and the rise of the Moorish Science Temple of America. The Moorish Science Temple of America, is reported to have been established in the United States as early as 1913. There is undoubtedly a lot of room for scholarship in this area. By June 1928, a final single journal issue is reported to have been published By Ali in New York under the title “Africa”. 

In 1931, Ali is reported to have returned to Lagos to watch over business interests in the cocoa industry. He settled in Lagos, and was appointed editor of the Nigerian Daily Times. On October 3, 1932, Ali produced the play A Daughter of Pharaoh in the Glover Memorial Hall in Lagos. He also became the editor of the Daily Telegraph in Nigeria. By July 1933, he launched The Comet, a weekly newspaper in Lagos. On June 25, 1945, at the age of 78, Ali died in the African Hospital in Lagos after a protracted illness. He is buried at the Okesuna Muslim Cemetery in Nigeria. 

Maria W. Stewart's 1833 Speech to the African Masonic Hall in Boston

On February 27, 1833, the African-American activist and slavery abolitionist, Maria W. Stewart delivers a speech at the African Masonic Hall in Boston, Massachusetts titled "On African Rights and Liberty". Stewart is known in history as the first woman -- of any race -- to give public lectures in the United States. This is one of four speeches that confirms Stewart's place in history. The focus of her lectures encouraged African-Americans to reach for education and political rights.

African rights and liberty is a subject that ought to fire the breast of every free man of color in these United States, and excite in his bosom a lively, deep, decided and heart-felt interest. When I cast my eyes on the long list of illustrious names that are enrolled on the bright annals of fame among the whites, I turn my eyes within, and ask my thoughts, "Where are the names of our illustrious ones?" It must certainly have been for the want of energy on the part of the free people of color, that they have been long willing to bear the yoke of oppression. It must have been the want of ambition and force that has given the whites occasion to say, that our natural abilities are not as good, and our capacities by nature inferior to theirs. They boldly assert, that, did we possess a natural independence of soul, and feel a love for liberty within our breasts, some one of our sable race, long before this, would have testified it, notwithstanding the disadvantages under which we labor. We have made ourselves appear altogether unqualified to speak in our own defense, and are therefore looked upon as objects of pity and commiseration. We have been imposed upon, insulted and derided on every side; and now, if we complain, it is considered as the height of impertinence. We have suffered ourselves to be considered as Bastards, cowards, mean, faint-hearted wretches; and on this account, (not because of our complexion) many despise us, and would gladly spurn us from their presence. 

These things have fired my soul with a holy indignation, and compelled me thus to come forward; and endeavor to turn their attention to knowledge and improvement; for knowledge is power. I would ask, is it blindness of mind, or at stupidity of soul, or the want of education, that has caused our men who are 60 to 70 years of age, never to let their voices be heard, or nor their hands be raised in behalf of their color? Or has it been for the fear of offering the whites? If it has, O ye fearful ones, throw of your fearfulness, and come forth in the name of the Lord, and in the strength of the God of Justice, and make yourselves useful and active members in society; for they admire a noble and patriotic spirit in others; and should they not admire it in us? If you are men, convince them that you possess the spirit of men; and as your day, so shall your strength be. Have the sons of Africa no souls? feel they no ambitious desires? shall the chains of ignorance forever confine them? shall the insipid appellation of "clever negroes," or "good creatures," any longer content them? Where can we find among ourselves the man of science, or a philosopher, or an able statesman, or a counsellor at law? Show me our fearless and brave, our noble and gallant ones. Where are our lecturers on natural history, and our critics in useful knowledge? There may be a few such men among us, but they are rare. It is true, our fathers bled and died in the revolutionary war, and others fought bravely under the command of Jackson, in defense of liberty. But where is the man that has distinguished himself in these modern days by acting wholly in the defense of African rights and liberty? There was one, although he sleeps, his memory lives. 

I am sensible that there are many highly intelligent gentlemen of color in those United States, in the force of whose arguments, doubtless, I should discover my inferiority; but if they are blest with wit and talent, friends and fortune, why have they not made themselves men of eminence, by striving to take all the reproach that is cast upon the people of color, and in endeavoring to alleviate the woes of their brethren in bondage? Talk, without effort, is nothing; you are abundantly capable, gentlemen, of making yourselves men of distinction; and this gross neglect, on your part, causes my blood to boil within me. Here is the grand cause which hinders the rise and progress of the people of color. It is their want of laudable ambition and requisite courage. 

Individuals have been distinguished according to their genius and talents, ever since the first formation of man, and will continue to be while the world stands. The different grades rise to honor and respectability as their merits may deserve. History informs us that we sprung from one of the most learned nations of the whole earth; from the seat, if not the parent of science; yes, poor, despised Africa was once the resort of sages and legislators of other nations, was esteemed the school for learning, and the most illustrious men in Greece flocked thither for instruction. But it was our gross sins and abominations that provoked the Almighty to frown thus heavily upon us, and give our glory unto others. Sin and prodigality have caused the downfall of nations, kings and emperors; and were it not that God in wrath remembers mercy; we might indeed despair; but a promise is left us; "Ethiopia shall again stretch forth her hands unto God." 

But it is of no use for us to boast that we sprung from this learned and enlightened nation, for this day a thick mist of moral gloom hangs over millions of our race. Our condition as a people has been low for hundreds of years, and it will continue to be so, unless, by true piety and virtue, we strive to regain that which we have lost. White Americans, by their prudence, economy and exertions, have sprung up and become one of the most flourishing nations in the world, distinguished for their knowledge of the arts and sciences, for their polite literature. While our minds are vacant, and starving for want of knowledge, theirs are filled to overflowing. Most of our color have been taught to stand in fear of the white man, from their earliest infancy, to work as soon as they could walk, and call "master," before they scarce could lisp the name of mother . Continual fear and laborious servitude have in some degree lessened in us that natural force and energy which belong to man; or else, in defiance of opposition, our men, before this, would have nobly and boldly contended for their rights. But give the man of color an equal opportunity with the white from the cradle to manhood, and from manhood to the grave, and you would discover the dignified statesman, the man of science, and the philosopher. But there is no such opportunity for the sons of Africa, and I fear that our powerful one's are fully determined that there never shall be. For bid, ye Powers on high, that it should any longer be said that our men possess no force. O ye sons of Africa, when will your voices be heard in our legislative halls, in defiance of your enemies, contending for equal rights and liberty? How can you, when you reflect from what you have fallen, refrain from crying mightily unto God, to turn away from us the fierceness of his anger, and remember our transgressions against us no more forever. But a God of infinite purity will not regard the prayers of those who hold religion in one hand, and prejudice, sin and pollution in the other; he will not regard the prayers of self-righteousness and hypocrisy. Is it possible, I exclaim, that for the want of knowledge, we have labored for hundreds of years to support others, and been content to receive what they chose to give us in return? Cast your eyes about, look as far as you can see; all, all is owned by the lordly white, except here and there a lowly dwelling which the man of color, midst deprivations, fraud and opposition, has been scarce able to procure. Like king Solomon, who put neither nail nor hammer to the temple, yet received the praise; so also have the white Americans gained themselves a name, like the names of the great men that are in the earth, while in reality we have been their principal foundation and support. We have pursued the shadow, they have obtained the substance; we have performed the labor they have received the profits; we have planted the vines, they have eaten the fruits of them. 

I would implore our men, and especially our rising youth, to flee from the gambling board and the dance-hall; for we are poor, and have no money to throw away. I do not consider dancing as criminal in itself, but it is astonishing to me that our young men are so blind to their own interest and the future welfare of their children, as to spend their hard earnings for this frivolous amusement; for it has been carried on among us to such an unbecoming extent, that it has became absolutely disgusting. "Faithful are the wounds of a friend, but the kisses of an enemy are deceitful." Had those men among us, who have had an opportunity, turned their attention as assiduously to mental and moral improvement as they have to gambling and dancing, I might have remained quietly at home, and they stood contending in my place. These polite accomplishments will never enroll your names on the bright annals of tune, who admire the belle void of intellectual knowledge, or applaud the dandy that talks largely on politics, without striving to assist his fellow in the revolution, when the nerves and muscles of every other man forced him into the field of action. You have a right to rejoice, and to let your hearts cheer you in the days of your youth; yet remember that for all these things, God will bring you into judgment. Then, O ye sons of Africa, turn your mind from these perishable objects, and contend for the cause of God and the rights of man. Form yourselves into temperance societies. There are temperate men among you; then why will you any longer neglect to strive, by your example, to suppress vice in all its abhorrent forms? You have been told repeatedly of the glorious results arising from temperance, and can you bear to see the whites arising in honor and respectability, without endeavoring to grasp after that honor and respectability also? 

But I forbear. Let our money, instead of being thrown away as heretofore, be appropriated for schools and seminaries of learning for our children and youth. We ought to follow the example of the whites in this respect. Nothing would raise our respectability, add to our peace and happiness, and reflect so much honor upon us, as to be ourselves the promoters of temperance, and the supporters, as far as we are able, of useful and scientific knowledge. The rays of light and knowledge have been hid from our view; we have been taught to consider ourselves as scarce superior to the brute creation; and have performed the most laborious part of American drudgery. Had we as a people received, one half the early advantages the whites have received, I would defy the government of these United States to deprive us any longer of our rights. 

I am informed that the agent of the Colonization Society has recently formed an association of young men, for the purpose of influencing those of us to go to Liberia who may feel disposed. The colonizationists are blind to their own interest, for should the nations of the earth make war with America, they would find their forces much weakened by our absence; or should we remain here, can our "brave soldiers," and "fellow-citizens," as they were termed in time of calamity, condescend to defend the rights of the whites, and be again deprived of their own, or sent to Liberia in return? Or, if the colonizationists are real friends to Africa, let them expend the money which they collect, in erecting a college to educate her injured sons in this land of gospel light and liberty; for it would be most thankfully received on our part, and convince us of the truth of their professions, and save time, expense and anxiety. Let them place before us noble objects, worthy of pursuit, and see if we prove ourselves to be those unambitious negroes they term us. But ah! methinks their hearts are so frozen towards us, they had rather their money should be sunk in the ocean than to administer it to our relief; and I fear, if they dared, like Pharaoh, king of Egypt, they would order every male child among us to be drowned. But the most high God is still as able to subdue the lofty pride of these white Americans, as He was the heart of that ancient rebel. They say, though we are looked upon as things, yet we sprang from a scientific people. Had our men the requisite force and energy, they would soon convince them by their efforts both in public and private, that they were men, or things in the shape of men. Well may the colonizationists laugh us to scorn for our negligence; well may they cry, "Shame to the sons of Africa." As the burden of the Israelites was too great for Moses to bear, so also is our burden too great for Moses to bear, so also is our burden too great for our noble advocate to bear. You must feel interested, my brethren, in what he undertakes, and hold up his hands by your good works, or in spite of himself, his soul will become discouraged, and his heart will die within him; for he has, as it were, the strong bulls of Bashan to contend with. 

It is of no use for us to wait any longer for a generation of well educated men to arise. We have slumbered and slept too long already; the day is far spent; the night of death approaches; and you have sound sense and good judgement sufficient to begin with, if you feel disposed to make a right use of it. Let every man of color throughout the United States, who possesses the spirit and principles of a man, sign a petition to Congress, to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, and grant you the rights and privileges of common free citizens; for if you had had faith as a grain of mustard seed, long before this the mountains of prejudice might have been removed. We are all sensible that the Anti-Slavery Society has taken hold of the arm of our whole population, in' order to raise them out of the mire. Now all we have to do is, by a spirit of virtuous ambition to strive to raise ourselves; and I am happy to have it in my power thus publicly to say, that the colored inhabitants of this city, in some respects, are beginning to improve. Had the free people of color in these United States nobly and boldly contended for their rights, and showed a natural genius and talent, although not so brilliant as some; had they help up, encouraged and patronized each other, nothing could have hindered us from being a thriving and flourishing people. There has been a fault among us. The reason why our distinguished men have not made themselves more influential is, because they fear that the strong current of opposition through which they must pass, would cause their downfall and prove their overthrew. And what gives rise to this opposition? Envy. And what has it amounted to? Nothing. And who are the cause of it? Our whited sepulchers, who want to be great, and don't know how; who love to be called of men 'Rabbi, Rabbi, who put on false sanctity, and humble themselves to their brethren, for the sake of acquiring the highest place in the synagogue, and the uppermost seats at the feast. You, dearly beloved, who are the genuine followers of our Lord Jesus Christ, the salt of the earth and the light of the world, are not so culpable. As I told you, in the very first of my writing, I tell you again, I am but as a drop in the bucket — as one particle of the small dust of the earth. God will surely raise up those among us who will plead the cause of virtue, and the pure principles of morality, more eloquently than I am able to do. 

It appears to me that America has become like the great city of Babylon, for she has boasted in her heart, — I sit a queen, and am no widow, and shall see no sorrow? She is indeed a seller of slaves and the souls of men; she has made the Africans drunk with the wine of her fornication; she has put them completely beneath her feet, and she means to keep them there; her right hand supports the reins of government, and her left hand the wheel of power, and she is determined not to let go her grasp. But many powerful sons and daughters of Africa will shortly arise, who will put down vice and immorality among us, and declare by Him that sitteth upon the throne, that they will have their rights; and if refused,' I am afraid they will spread horror and devastation around. I believe that the oppression of injured Africa has come up before the Majesty of Heaven; and when our cries shall have reached the ears of the Most High, it will be a tremendous day for the people of this land; for strong is the arm of the Lord God Almighty. 

Life has almost lost its charms for me; death has lost its sting and the grave its terrors; and at times I have a strong desire to depart and dwell with Christ, which is far better. Let me entreat my white brethren to awake and save our sons from dissipation, and our daughters from ruin. Lend the hand of assistance to feeble merit, plead the cause of virtue among our sable race; so shall our curses upon you be turned into blessings; and though you should endeavor to drive us from these shores, still we will cling to you the more firmly; nor will we attempt to rise above you: we will presume to be called your equals only. 

The unfriendly whites first drove the native American from his much loved home. Then they stole our fathers from their peaceful and quiet dwellings, and brought them hither, and made bond-men and bond-women of them and their little ones; they have obliged our brethren to labor, kept them in utter ignorance, nourished them in vice, and raised them in degradation; and now that we have enriched their soil, and filled their coffers, they say that we are not capable of becoming like white men, and that we never can rise to respectability in this country. They would drive us to a strange land. But before I go, the bayonet shall pierce me through. African rights and liberty is a subject that ought to fire the breast of every free man of color in these United States, and excite in his bosom a lively, deep, decided and heart-felt interest. 

Reverend Absalom Jones and the Early U.S. Anti-Slavery Resistance


Absalom Jones was born into U.S. slavery at Sussex, Delaware on November 7, 1756. His mother and father were separated from him when he was sold and they were taken together Pennsylvania. He taught himself to read and was allowed to marry. Remarkably, he purchased his wife's freedom in 1778 in order that their children would be free. By 1784, Jones had purchased his freedom. Three years later, in 1787, with Richard Allen, Jones established the Free African Society, a mutual aid society. 
 
In 1793, the Fugitive Slave Act was established in the United States to aid slave owners in recovering those enslaved persons of African descent who escaped captivity. On January 2, 1800, Jones led a group of free Africans living in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania in presenting a petition to the U.S. Congress calling for the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Act, as well as to act to end the robust slave trade of Africans to the United States. 

The U.S. House voted 85-1 to reject the petition. Who was the lone voice of dissent against slavery? Massachusetts Congressman George Thacher opposed the movement in overwhelming opposition to the petition by his political colleagues. Thacher condemned slavery as "a cancer of immense magnitude, that would sometime destroy the body politic, except a proper legislation should prevent the evil."


 Fugitive Slave Act was enforced by U.S. Marshals

In contrast, South Carolinia Congressman John Rutledge, Jr. comments in support of the all-white male institution's action defeating the efforts of the anti-slavery petition was that “this new fangled French philosophy of liberty and equality” would not be heard among the men, most of whom were owners of enslaved Africans.

Against the backdrop of a slave society that was formally enforced by a legal system willing to play an active role in policing runaway slaves, in 1816, Rev. Jones would remain an active abolitionist. In 1816, he formed the African Methodist Episcopal (A.M.E.) church and became the first American of African descent to be ordained as a minister in the Methodist church.

But the early resistance was already on record. The trajectory of change had been marked. After the 1793 Haitian Revolution, rumors of slave rebellions in the U.S. abound as thousands of Haitian refugees began to flood American ports in such places as New Orleans. In fact, one day prior to the presentation of the anti-slavery petition, on January 1, 1800, Gabriel Prosser had conspired to seize Richmond, Virginia with a force of over 1,000 enslaved Africans. The plan was uncovered before it could be unleashed on Richmond's slaveholding residents. Afterwards, public executions and the deportation of nearly a dozen Africans to the West Indies would occur.

Additionally, in 1800, the same year the anti-slavery petition was presented and defeated, two abolitionists were born, Nat Turner and John Brown. While the slave-based economy of the U.S. would continue for many decades afterward, the later military actions of the abolitionists, Turner and Brown, would continue the inevitable trajectory towards freedom that would ultlimately lead to the U.S. Civil War and end of slavery in 1865.

The actions of great leaders like Rev. Absalom Jones must not be forgotten by the generations of African Americans who now enjoy freedom from physical slavery. The works of these great leaders must serve as inspiration and lessons in resistance to all forms of injustice -- however uniquely framed. The struggle for justice in the United States has never been achieved through passive engagement or simply by by petitioning those who wield the hammer of injustice. “Power concedes nothing without a demand,” said Frederick Douglass, “it never has and it never will.”


Africans in California under rule of Spain, Mexico and the United States

Photo: Pio de Jesus Pico, c. 1800s, the last governor of Alta California, Mexico.

On September 4, 1781, 44 non-natives settled at what they would describe as El Pueblo de Nuestra Señora la Reina de los Ángeles (The Town of Our Lady the Queen of Angels), now known as Los Angeles, LA, or "City of Angels". At least 28 of those early settlers are reported as being of African descent. This settlement occurred during the time that the region now called Mexico was governed as a colony by Spain. Over a century before their arrival -- in 1570 -- an African slave revolt had occurred in the Veracruz region of Mexico, led by Gaspar Yanga. Prior to European travels to the Americas, the Olmec are among the oldest known civilization that resided and governed the territories now known as Mexico and California.


The Mexican War of Independence was an armed conflict which ended the rule of Spain in 1821. During the period that Los Angeles was part of Mexico (1821-1840), Blacks were an active part of Mexican society. Africans had been instrumental in the nation's successful war against Spanish colonization. 


Portrait of Vicente Guerrero (1782-1831), 19th c. snuffbox.
By 1829, Vincent Guerrero, Mexico's first Black president, issued a slavery abolition decree in Mexico. Of Afro-Mestizo descent, Vincente Guerrero was one of the leading revolutionary generals of the Mexican War of Independence in the early 19th century, and would serve as the second president of Mexico's First Federal Republic. By 1831, Emanuel Victoria served as California's first Black governor. Alta California's last governor, Pío de Jesus Pico, was also of mixed Black ancestry.

By 1850, the U.S. had won the Mexican-American War. This meant that Blacks residing in the California region could be subject to legal slavery again under U.S. colonial rule. The question of slavery extension under the United State's annexation of California became a central question. Based on the abolition of slavery in 1829 throughout Mexico, introducing slavery into California -- where African Americans in California had governed in key administrative roles under Mexico's governance -- would be difficult.

The editor of the Alta California, February 22, 1849, stated the case against introducing African slavery into California:
    “The majority—four-fifths, we believe—of the inhabitants of California are opposed to slavery. They believe it to be an evil and a wrong * * and while they would rigidly and faithfully protect the vested rights of the South, they deem it a high moral duty to prevent its extension and aid its extinction by every honorable means.”
In a vote of 150 to 56 approving entry of California into the union of states, the California bill was passed in the U.S. House on September 7, 1850. Two days later, the Senate concurred and the U.S. President provided his approval. California would enter the union of states as a non-slave state.

Reverend Nathaniel Paul's 1827 Speech on the Occasion of New York's Abolition of Slavery


In 1827 Rev. Nathaniel Paul, a minister of The First African Baptist Society in the city of Albany, New York, hails the final abolition of slavery in that state.  His address  given on July 5, 1827 in Albany marks that occasion.  The address appears below.

We look forward with pleasing anticipation to that period, when it shall no longer be said that in a land of freemen there are men in bondage, but when this foul stain will be entirely erased, and this, worst of evils, will be forever done way. The progress of emancipation, though slow, is nevertheless certain: It is certain, because that God who has made of one blood all nations of men, and who is said to be no respecter of persons, has so decreed; I therefore have no hesitation in declaring this sacred place, that not only throughout the United States of America, but throughout every part of the habitable world where slavery exists, it will be abolished. However great may be the opposition of those who are supported by the traffic, yet slavery will cease. The lordly planter who has his thousands in bondage, may stretch himself upon his couch of ivory, and sneer at the exertions which are made by the humane and benevolent, or he may take his stand upon the floor of Congress, and mock the pitiful generosity of the east or west for daring to meddle with the subject, and attempting to expose its injustice: he may threaten to resist all efforts for a general or a partial emancipation even to a dissolution of the union. But still I declare that slavery will be extinct; a universal and not a partial emancipation must take place; nor is the period far distant. The indefatigable exertions of the philanthropists in England to have it abolished in their West India Islands, the recent revolutions in South America, the catastrope and exchange of power in the Isle of Hayti, the restless disposition of both master and slave in the southern states, the constitution of our government, the effects of literary and moral instruction, the generous feelings of the pious and benevolent, the influence and spread of the holy religion of the cross of Christ, and the irrevocable decrees of Almighty God, all combine their efforts and with united voice declare, that the power of tyranny must be subdued, the captive must be liberated, the oppressed go free, and slavery must revert back to its original chaos of darkness, and forever annihilated from the earth. Did I believe that it would always continue, and that man to the end of time would be permitted with impunity to usurp the same undue authority over his fellow, I would disallow any allegiance or obligation I was under to my fellow creatures, or any submission that I owed to the laws of my country; I would deny the superintending power of divine providence in the affairs of his life; I would ridicule the religion of the Saviour of the world, and treat as the worst of men the ministers of an everlasting gospel; I would consider my Bible as a book of false and delusive fables, and commit it to the flames; nay, I would still go farther; I would at once confess myself an atheist, and deny the existence of a holy God. But slavery will cease, and the equal rights of man will be universally acknowledged. Nor is its tardy progress any argument against its final accomplishment. But do I hear it loudly responded,—this is but a mere wild fanaticism, or at best but the misguided conjecture of an untutored descendant of Africa. Be it so, I confess my ignorance, and bow with due deference to my superiors in understanding; but if in this case I err, the error is not peculiar to myself; if I wander, I wander in a region of light from whose political hemisphere the sun of liberty pours forth his refulgent rays, around which dazzle the star-like countenances of Clarkson, Wilberforce, Pitt, Fox and Grenville, Washington, Adams, Jefferson, Hancock and Franklin; if I err, it is their sentiments that have caused me to stray….We do well to remember, that every act of ours is more or less connected with the general cause of emancipation. Our conduct has an important bearing, not only on those who are yet in bondage in this country, but its influence is extended to the isles of India, and to every part of the world where the abomination of slavery is known. Let us then relieve ourselves from the odious stigma which some have long since cast upon us, that we were incapacitated by the God of nature, for the enjoyment of the rights of freemen, and convince them and the world that although our complexion may differ, yet we have hearts susceptible of feeling; judgment capable of discerning, and prudence sufficient to manage our affairs with discretion, and by example prove ourselves worthy the blessings we enjoy.
In 1827 Rev. Nathaniel Paul, a minister in Albany, New York, hails the final abolition of slavery in that state.  His address  given on July 5, 1827 in Albany marks that occassion.  The address appears below. 
We look forward with pleasing anticipation to that period, when it shall no longer be said that in a land of freemen there are men in bondage, but when this foul stain will be entirely erased, and this, worst of evils, will be forever done way. The progress of emancipation, though slow, is nevertheless certain: It is certain, because that God who has made of one blood all nations of men, and who is said to be no respecter of persons, has so decreed; I therefore have no hesitation in declaring this sacred place, that not only throughout the United States of America, but throughout every part of the habitable world where slavery exists, it will be abolished. However great may be the opposition of those who are supported by the traffic, yet slavery will cease. The lordly planter who has his thousands in bondage, may stretch himself upon his couch of ivory, and sneer at the exertions which are made by the humane and benevolent, or he may take his stand upon the floor of Congress, and mock the pitiful generosity of the east or west for daring to meddle with the subject, and attempting to expose its injustice: he may threaten to resist all efforts for a general or a partial emancipation even to a dissolution of the union. But still I declare that slavery will be extinct; a universal and not a partial emancipation must take place; nor is the period far distant. The indefatigable exertions of the philanthropists in England to have it abolished in their West India Islands, the recent revolutions in South America, the catastrope and exchange of power in the Isle of Hayti, the restless disposition of both master and slave in the southern states, the constitution of our government, the effects of literary and moral instruction, the generous feelings of the pious and benevolent, the influence and spread of the holy religion of the cross of Christ, and the irrevocable decrees of Almighty God, all combine their efforts and with united voice declare, that the power of tyranny must be subdued, the captive must be liberated, the oppressed go free, and slavery must revert back to its original chaos of darkness, and forever annihilated from the earth. Did I believe that it would always continue, and that man to the end of time would be permitted with impunity to usurp the same undue authority over his fellow, I would disallow any allegiance or obligation I was under to my fellow creatures, or any submission that I owed to the laws of my country; I would deny the superintending power of divine providence in the affairs of his life; I would ridicule the religion of the Saviour of the world, and treat as the worst of men the ministers of an everlasting gospel; I would consider my Bible as a book of false and delusive fables, and commit it to the flames; nay, I would still go farther; I would at once confess myself an atheist, and deny the existence of a holy God. But slavery will cease, and the equal rights of man will be universally acknowledged. Nor is its tardy progress any argument against its final accomplishment. But do I hear it loudly responded,—this is but a mere wild fanaticism, or at best but the misguided conjecture of an untutored descendant of Africa. Be it so, I confess my ignorance, and bow with due deference to my superiors in understanding; but if in this case I err, the error is not peculiar to myself; if I wander, I wander in a region of light from whose political hemisphere the sun of liberty pours forth his refulgent rays, around which dazzle the star-like countenances of Clarkson, Wilberforce, Pitt, Fox and Grenville, Washington, Adams, Jefferson, Hancock and Franklin; if I err, it is their sentiments that have caused me to stray….We do well to remember, that every act of ours is more or less connected with the general cause of emancipation. Our conduct has an important bearing, not only on those who are yet in bondage in this country, but its influence is extended to the isles of India, and to every part of the world where the abomination of slavery is known. Let us then relieve ourselves from the odious stigma which some have long since cast upon us, that we were incapacitated by the God of nature, for the enjoyment of the rights of freemen, and convince them and the world that although our complexion may differ, yet we have hearts susceptible of feeling; judgment capable of discerning, and prudence sufficient to manage our affairs with discretion, and by example prove ourselves worthy the blessings we enjoy.
- See more at: http://www.blackpast.org/1827-rev-nathaniel-paul-hails-end-slavery-new-york#sthash.vJ51QYkI.dpuf

Estevanico aka Estaban: The North African Moor Enslaved on 1528 Spanish Expedition to Americas

Estevanico aka Estaban (b. 1490 - d. 1539)
Estevanico aka Estaban was a Berber-speaking Moor born in North Africa and is among the earliest individually named Africans known to the Americas. Estevanico was born in Morocco, North Africa, raised in a North African Muslim family. In 1513, at about the age of 23 years, he was captured in Africa by Portuguese slave traffickers. We do not know his native name, only the name he took when made to convert to the Christian Catholic religion by his captors. We will refer to him as Estevanico.

In the year 1513, the enslaved Estevanico was shipped to Portugal from his native home of Morocco. Morocco is that region where the North African empire of Hannibal was headquartered at Carthage, founded in 9th century BC. In fact, Portugal was previously part of the nation of the Moors from 711 AD to 1492. The African Moors ruled what is now known as Spain and Portugal for 700 years when a migration of North and West African Muslims (Moors) entered the region -- Jews, Christians and Arab Muslims later joined the prosperous Moors. The Moors lost the Iberian peninsula to the Christian Crusaders by 1492. Based on the years of Estevanico's birth and capture, the White Christian Crusaders that originally invaded the Iberia soon crossed over to Africa and began capturing African Moors and enslaving them in the region.

By 1520, Estevanico was sold from Portugal to a Spanish captain, Andres Dorantes de Carranza. Dorantes joined Spain's sojourn into what was for them "The New World." By this time, Spain was establishing colonies along the Gulf Coast of what is now known as the United States and Mexico regions, and within the Caribbean islands and South America.

September 1528, Estevanico sailed with Dorantes' crew from port San Lucar de Barrameda on a Spanish expedition. The Spanish expedition included a fleet of five ships containing about 600 men. Estevanico sailed on the Magdalena as it made its way across the Atlantic Ocean landing first on the island of Hispaniola (aka Española). Hispaniola now contains the independent nations of Haiti and the Dominican Republic.


After a month, the ship continued to Santiago, Cuba and then Trinidad.When Estevanico and the Spanish crew arrived in the region now known as Tampa Bay, Florida the Spanish expedition of colonizers numbering about 300 in number. The men split the crews into sea and land expeditions and faced both friendly and unfriendly indigenous people in the Florida region.


Estevanico and the ship's crew found themselves wrecked off the coast of Texas, the surviving among them numbering four. Those four men were three Europeans and the enslaved African, Estevanico -- thought to be the first non-Natives to this region. Estevanico's captivity continued among the surviving Spanish men -- which included Andres Dorantes and two others. The men made small ships from animal hides and eventually began to travel along the Gulf of Mexico Coast region. They ventured into the interior and are known to have traded with native peoples in the region to survive. This subsistence among the four men lasted about 8 years.

By July 1536, the four men arrived in New Spain, now known as the State of Sinaloa in northwest Mexico. Estevanico and the other three expedition survivors were received in Mexico City by the Spanish Viceroy of New Spain. Estevanico was granted his freedom at that time and was also noted by commentators as being received to the region's Avavares tribe as a medicine man. There may be a number of theories to explain why Estevanico was seen as a medicine man among the natives to the region.

Ancient Olmec sculpture
The region of Mexico is part of the earliest known civilization in the Americas, the Olmec kingdom whose remaining sculptures portray prominent negroid features. Additionally, the wisdom Estevanico exhibited to survive against these historical odds can also be contributed to knowledge obtained from his native African people of Morocco. He was already 23 years old when captured into European slavery.

What remains of the record states that by 1539 Estevanico led Fray Marcos of Nice into what is now known as the western region of the State of New Mexico, in the United States. He knew the region as well as many non-Natives because of his 8 years wondering and trading with native tribes after the Spanish expedition's shipwreck. Ultimately, Estevanico's demise arose when the natives saw Estevanico leading the expedition of white European men into the region. That year, in 1539, he was killed by the indigenous people at Hawikuh, New Mexico.

Africans of Esmeraldas, Ecuador: A Look at the 1599 Painting of Don Francisco de Arobe and His Two Sons

Painting: Mulatos de Esmeraldas: Quito Equador Don Francisco de Arobe and his two sons, circa 1599.

In 1599, the painting was created by a Mative American painter by the name of Adrián Sánchez Galque. Like many original, fine works of art of this time, the painting is last known to exist in the collection of a European museum in Spain, the Museo de América de Madrid. When we first came upon this image from 1599, we became curious about the story behind the painting and the subsequent history of those Africans who continue at that placed called Esmeralda, Ecuador more than 400 years after the painting was commissioned.

Map of South America, noting location of Esmeraldas, Ecuador off Pacific Ocean coast.
We were not surprised that this painting may be located in Madrid. In 1599, the history of Madrid was not far removed from a time when the area was under complete ruler of the Moors. The Moors migrated from Northern Africa and settled the current city we call Madrid today. In fact, the historical record indicates that forts and a wall were built by the Moor around Madrid as early as 865 A.D. Before the city fell under Castillian rule in 1083, under leadership of Alfonso VI of Castile, the city was called Magerit by the Moors. From 1083, the time of Castillian rule, to 1599, the date the painting was created --was 516 years. From 1599 to 2014 is 415 years -- both periods being relatively short historical time spans. This is illustrated only to provide the reader a historical perspective. In 1544, Ecuador was reportedly under Spain's colonial rule. By 1564, Ecuador was dealing directly with Madrid.

Who are these three men in the painting? The historical accounts indicate the center figure is Don Francisco (de) Arobe. The other two men are his sons, Don Domingo, at the right, and Don Pedro, at the left. Each man holds a spears and wears an elaborate combination of Native American (indigenous) and Ibero-Spanish inspired clothing. On the actual painting, each man is identified by the title Don, a sign of respect in Latin-Hispanic culture at the time. It is evident from the gold jewelry and the title as Dons that the men were of high standing in the Esmeralda of 1599. The painting's inscription states as follows: "Doctor Juan del Barrio de Sepulveda, judge of the Real Audiencia of Quito, commissioned and paint for the painting, to your Majesty Phillip, Catholic King of Spain and the Indies in the year of 1599."

The three men are also described by the painter as mulatos. This description may have been more of a reflection of the caste hierarchy distinction that existed in South America after the Europeans arrived, which created status based on the amount of European heritage held by an individual. Upon review of this painting, an argument can be made that a more appropriate title for these men would have been the Spanish term for Afro-Indian men, zambos, or for African men, negro.

Like the Spanish word negro, which mean black, the Spanish word zambos would creep into the Euro-English lexicon as "sambos." Unfortunately, the Anglo-European cultural baggage who translate the word into a negative connotation for people of African descent. But as we can see from this 1770 painting, zambos represented a further racial classification among the Europeans.


Painting: Top inscription states "from a black man with a mulata produces a sambo," Indian school, circa. 1770.

In the book No Longer Invisible: Afro-Latin American Today, we are given some additional insights on the history of the region of Esmeraldas:

"Regional blackness as a force of self-liberation in Ecuador begins in Esmeraldas, and its origin occurs during a violent tropical storm and a movement of African rebellion. The documented history of Ecuador establishes the beginnings of Afro-Hispanic culture in what is now Esmeraldas, Ecuador, where a Spanish slaving ship ran aground in 1553. There a group of twenty-three Africans from the coast of Guinea, led by a black warrior named Antón, attacked the slavers and liberated themselves. Not long after, this group, together with other blacks entering the region, led by a ladino (Hispanicized black person) named Alonso de Illescas, came to dominate the region from northern Manabí north to what is now Barbacoas, Colombia. At this time (late sixteenth century) intermixture with indigenous peoples, to whom black people fled to establish their palenques (villages of self-liberated people - some fortified, some not), was such that their features were described as zambo (black-indigenous admixture), synonyms of which were negro (black) and mulato (mixed or hybrid black-white). ...

... By 1599 black people were clearly in charge of what was called "La República de Zambos" or "Zambo Republic". Zambo refers to people of colour who are descendants of Native Americans and African Americans. In that year a group of Zambo chieftains, said to represent 100,000 or more Zambo people of Esmeraldas, trekked to Quito to declare loyalty to Spain. An oil painting of these chiefs from the emerald land of the Zambo Republic is portrayed by the "Indian artist" Adrián Sánchez Galgue [sic]; it is reportedly the earliest signed and dated painting from South America."
By 1599, the date of this painting, we know that populations of settled Africans were residing in Esmeralda, Equador.  region. Let's take a look back in time.

What of Esmeraldas, Ecuador now -- the home of our three Dons? This coastal city is in northwestern Ecuador and is one of the few predominantly black provinces, reportedly at 70 percent. It has the highest concentration of people of African descent in all of Ecuador. In terms of preserving its African cultural heritage, Esmeraldas' isolation may have been its saving grace.

The best online video documentary we could find about the existing Afro-Latino community in Ecuador is in Spanish only (sorry to my English-only audience), but the images alone speak volumes. If you have ever visited this Esmeraldas, Ecuador region, do share your experience with our readers in the comments here.



Further reading resources:

No Longer Invisible: Afro-Latin Americans Today. Minority Rights Group, ed. Minority Rights Publications (1995)

The African Experience in Spanish America: 1502 to the Present Day. Leslie B. Rout, Jr. Cambridge Univ. Press (1976)

Henry Highland Garnet: An Address to the Slaves of the United States of America

Photo: Henry Highland Garnet, circa 1881.
National Portrait Gallery, Smithsonian Institution
Henry Highland Garnet (b. December 23, 1815 – d. February 13, 1882) was often categorized as a radical abolitionist minister because he discussed civil disobedience, including armed resistance. Born into the United States' slavery system in 1815 Maryland, at the estate of Colonel William Spencer, by age 9, Garnet would escape with his father, a captured Mandingo chief. His father led the family through the Underground Railroad system from Maryland to Delaware, Pennsylvania and, finally, New York. This would mark just the beginning of Garnet's many challenges to live free among the racially volatile Europeans of the Americas who were bent on maintaining Africans as a slave class.

AN ADDRESS TO THE SLAVES OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 
BY HENRY HIGHLAND GARNET.
______________________ 

This Address, by Henry Highland Garnet, was made before the National Convention of Colored Citizens on August 16, 1843 in Buffalo, New York

Brethren and Fellow-Citizens: Your brethren of the North, East, and West have been accustomed to meet together in National Conventions, to sympathize with each other, and to weep over your unhappy condition. In these meetings we have addressed all classes of the free, but we have never, until this time, sent a word of consolation and advice to you. We have been contented in sitting still and mourning over your sorrows, earnestly hoping that before this day your sacred liberties would have been restored. But, we have hoped in vain. Years have rolled on, and tens of thousands have been borne on streams of blood and tears, to the shores of eternity. While you have been oppressed, we have also been partakers with you; nor can we be free while you are enslaved. We, therefore, write to you as being bound with you.

Many of you are bound to us, not only by the ties of a common humanity, but we are connected by the more tender relations of parents, wives, husbands, children, brothers, and sisters, and friends. As such we most affectionately address you.

Slavery has fixed a deep gulf between you and us, and while it shuts out from you the relief and consolation which your friends would willingly render, it afflicts and persecutes you with a fierce- ness which we might not expect to see in the fiends of hell. But still the Almighty Father of mercies has left to us a glimmering ray of hope, which shines out like a lone star in a cloudy sky. Mankind are becoming wiser, and better—the oppressor’s power is fading, and you, every day, are becoming better informed, and more numerous. Your grievances, brethren, are many. We shall not attempt, in this short address, to present to the world all the dark catalogue of this nation’s sins, which have been committed upon an innocent people. Nor is it indeed necessary, for you feel them from day to day, and all the civilized world look upon them with amazement.

Two hundred and twenty-seven years ago, the first of our injured race were brought to the shores of America. They came not with glad spirits to select their homes in the New World. They came not with their own consent, to find an unmolested enjoyment of the blessings of this fruitful soil. The first dealings they had with men calling themselves Christians, exhibited to them the worst features of corrupt, and sordid hearts: and convinced them that no cruelty is too great, no villainy and no robbery too abhorrent for even enlightened men to perform, when influenced by avarice and lust. Neither did they come flying upon the wings of Liberty, to a land of freedom. But they came with broken hearts, from their beloved native land, and were doomed to unrequited toil and deep degradation. Nor did the evil of their bondage end at their emancipation by death. Succeeding generations inherited their chains, and millions have come from eternity into time, and have returned again to the world of spirits, cursed and ruined by American slavery.

The propagators of the system, or their immediate ancestors, very soon discovered its growing evil, and its tremendous wickedness, and secret promises were made to destroy it. The gross inconsistency of a people holding slaves, who had themselves “ferried o’er the wave” for freedom’s sake, was too apparent to be entirely over-looked. The voice of Freedom cried, “Emancipate your slaves.” Humanity supplicated with tears for the deliverance of the children of Africa. Wisdom urged her solemn plea. The bleeding captive pleaded his innocence, and pointed to Christianity who stood weeping at the cross. Jehovah frowned upon the nefarious institution, and thunderbolts, red with vengeance, struggled to leap forth to blast the guilty wretches who maintained it. But all was vain. Slavery had stretched its dark wings of death over the land, the Church stood silently by—the priests prophesied falsely, and the people loved to have it so. Its throne is established, and now it reigns triumphant.

Nearly three millions of your fellow-citizens are prohibited by law and public opinion (which in this country is stronger than law) from reading the Book of Life. Your intellect has been destroyed as much as possible, and every ray of light they have attempted to shut out from your minds. The oppressors themselves have become involved in the ruin. They have become weak, sensual, and rapacious—they have cursed you—they have cursed themselves—they have cursed the earth which they have trod.

The colonies threw the blame upon England. They said that the mother country entailed the evil upon them, and that they would rid themselves of it if they could. The world thought they were sincere, and the philanthropic pitied them. But time soon tested their sincerity. In a few years the colonists grew strong, and severed themselves from the British Government. Their independence was declared, and they took their station among the sovereign powers of the earth. The declaration was a glorious document. Sages admired it, and the patriotic of every nation reverenced the God-like sentiments which it contained. When the power of Government returned to their hands, did they emancipate the slaves? No; they rather added new links to our chains. Were they ignorant of the principles of Liberty? Certainly they were not. The sentiments of their revolutionary orators fell in burning eloquence upon their hearts, and with one voice they cried, Liberty or death. Oh what a sentence was that! It ran from soul to soul like electric fire, and nerved the arm of thousands to fight in the holy cause of Freedom. Among the diversity of opinions that are entertained in regard to physical resistance, there are but a few found to gainsay that stern declaration. We are among those who do not.

Slavery! How much misery is comprehended in that single word. What mind is there that does not shrink from its direful effects? Unless the image of God be obliterated from the soul, all men cherish the love of Liberty. The nice discerning political economist does not regard the sacred right more than the untutored African who roams in the wilds of Congo. Nor has the one more right to the full enjoyment of his freedom than the other. In every man’s mind the good seeds of liberty are planted, and he who brings his fellow down so low, as to make him contented with a condition of slavery, commits the highest crime against God and man. Brethren, your oppressors aim to do this. They endeavor to make you as much like brutes as possible. When they have blinded the eyes of your mind when they have embittered the sweet waters of life—when they have shut out the light which shines from the word of God—then, and not till then, has American slavery done its perfect work.

To such degradation it is sinful in the Extreme for you to make voluntary submission. The divine commandments you are in duty bound to reverence and obey. If you do not obey them, you will surely meet with the displeasure of the Almighty. He requires you to love him supremely, and your neighbor as yourself—to keep the Sabbath day holy—to search the Scriptures—and bring up your children with respect for his laws, and to worship no other God but him. But slavery sets all these at nought, and hurls defiance in the face of Jehovah. The forlorn condition in which you are placed, does not destroy your moral obligation to God. You are not certain of heaven, because you suffer yourselves to remain in a state of slavery, where you cannot obey the commandments of the Sovereign of the universe. If the ignorance of slavery is a passport to heaven, then it is a blessing, and no curse, and you should rather desire its perpetuity than its abolition. God will not receive slavery, nor ignorance, nor any other state of mind, for love and obedience to him. Your condition does not absolve you from your moral obligation. The diabolical injustice by which your liberties are cloven down, neither God; nor angels, or just men, command you to suffer for a single moment. Therefore it is your solemn and imperative duty to use every means, both moral; intellectual and physical that promises success. If a band of heathen men should attempt to enslave a race of Christians, and to place their children under the influence of some false religion, surely, Heaven would frown upon the men who would not resist such aggression, even to death. If, on the other hand, a band of Christians should attempt to enslave a race of heathen men, and to entail slavery upon them, and to keep them in heathenism in the midst of Christianity, the God of heaven would smile upon every effort which the injured might make to dis-enthrall themselves.

Brethren, it is as wrong for your lordly oppressors to keep you in slavery, as it was for the man thief to steal our ancestors from the coast of Africa. You should therefore now use the same manner of resistance, as would have been just in our ancestors, when the bloody footprints of the first remorseless soul-thief was placed upon the shores of our fatherland. The humblest peasant is as free in the sight of God as the proudest monarch that ever swayed a sceptre. Liberty is a spirit sent out from God, and like its great Author, is no respecter of persons.

Brethren, the time has come when you must act for yourselves. It is an old and true saying that, “if hereditary bondmen would be free, they must themselves strike the blow.” You can plead your own cause, and do the work of emancipation better than any others. The nations of the old world are moving in the great cause of universal freedom, and some of them at least will, ere long, do you justice. The combined powers of Europe have placed their broad seal of disapprobation upon the African slave-trade. But in the slave-holding parts of the United States, the trade is as brisk as ever. They buy and sell you as though you were brute beasts. The North has done much—her opinion of slavery in the abstract is known. But in regard to the South, we adopt the opinion of the New York Evangelist —“We have advanced so far, that the cause apparently waits for a more effectual door to be thrown open than has been yet.” We are about to point you to that more effectual door. Look around you, and behold the bosoms of your loving wives heaving with untold agonies! Hear the cries of your poor children! Remember the stripes your fathers bore. Think of the torture and disgrace of your noble mothers. Think of your wretched sisters, loving virtue and purity, as they are driven into concubinage and are exposed to the unbridled lusts of incarnate devils. Think of the undying glory that hangs around the ancient name of Africa—and forget not that you are native-born American citizens, and as such, you are justly entitled to all the rights that are granted to the freest. Think how many tears you have poured out. upon the soil which you have cultivated with unrequited toil and enriched with your blood; and then go to your lordly enslavers and tell them plainly, that you are determined to be free. Appeal to their sense of justice, and tell them that they have no more right to oppress you, than you have to enslave them. Entreat them to remove the grievous burdens which they have imposed upon you, and to remunerate you for your labor. Promise them renewed diligence in the cultivation of the soil, if they will render to you an equivalent for your services. Point them to the increase of happiness and prosperity in the British West Indies since the Act of Emancipation.

Tell them in language which they cannot misunderstand, of the exceeding sinfulness of slavery, and of a future judgment, and of the righteous retributions of an indignant God. Inform them that all you desire is freedom, and that nothing else will suffice. Do this, and for ever after cease to toil for the heartless tyrants, who give you no other reward but stripes and abuse. If they then commence the work of death, they, and not you, will be responsible for the consequences. You had far better all die—die immediately, than live slaves, and entail your wretchedness upon your posterity. If you would be free in this generation, here is your only hope. However much you and all of us may desire it, there is not much hope of redemption without the shedding of blood. If you must bleed, let it all come at once—rather die freemen, than live to be the slaves. It is impossible, like the children of Israel, to make a grand exodus from the land of bondage. The Pharaohs are on both sides of the blood-red waters! You cannot move en masse, to the dominions of the British Queen—nor can you pass through Florida and overrun Texas, and at last find peace in Mexico. The propagators of American slavery are spending their blood and treasure, that they may plant the black flag in the heart of Mexico and riot in the halls of the Montezumas. In the language of the Rev. Robert Hall, when addressing the volunteers of Bristol, who were rushing forth to repel the invasion of Napoleon, who threatened to lay waste the fair homes of England, “Religion is too much interested in your behalf, not to shed over you her most gracious influences.”

You will not be compelled to spend much time in order to become inured to hardships. From the first moment that you breathed the air of heaven, you have been accustomed to nothing else but hardships. The heroes of the American Revolution were never put upon harder fare than a peck of corn and a few herrings per week. You have not become enervated by the luxuries of life. Your sternest energies have been beaten out upon. the anvil of severe trial, Slavery has done this, to make you subservient to its own purposes; but it has done more than this, it has prepared you for any emergency. If you receive good treatment, it is what you could hardly expect; if you meet with pain, sorrow, and even death, these are the common lot of the slaves. Fellow-men! patient sufferers! behold your dearest rights crushed to the earth! See your sons murdered, and your wives, mothers and sisters doomed to prostitution. In the name of the merciful God, and by all that life is worth, let it no longer be a debatable question, whether it is better to choose Liberty or death. In 1822, Denmark Vesey, of South Carolina, formed a plan for the liberation of his fellow-men. In the whole history of human efforts to overthrow slavery, a more complicated and tremendous plan was never formed. He was betrayed by the treachery of his own people, and died a martyr to freedom. Many a brave hero fell, but history, faithful to her high trust, will transcribe his name on the same monument with Moses, Hampden, Tell, Bruce and Wallace, Toussaint L’Ouverture, Lafayette and Washington. That tremendous movement shook the whole empire of slavery. The guilty soul-thieves were overwhelmed with fear. It is a matter of fact, that at that time, and in consequence of the threatened revolution, the slave States talked strongly of emancipation. But they blew but one blast of the trumpet of freedom, and then laid it aside. As these men became quiet, the slaveholders ceased to talk about emancipation: and now behold your condition today! Angels sigh over it, and humanity has long since exhausted her tears in weeping on your account! The patriotic Nathaniel Turner followed Denmark Vesey. He was goaded to desperation by wrong and injustice. By despotism, his name has been recorded on the list of infamy; and future generations will remember him among the noble and brave. Next arose the immortal Joseph Cinque, the hero of the Amistad. He was a native African, and by the help of God he emancipated a whole ship-load of his fellow-men on the high seas. And he now sings of liberty on the sunny hills of Africa and beneath his native palm-trees, where he hears the lion roar and feels himself as free as that king of the forest.

Next arose Madison Washington, that bright star of freedom, and took his station in the constellation of true heroism. He was a slave on board the brig Creole, of Richmond, bound to New Orleans, that great slave mart, with a hundred and four others. Nineteen struck for liberty or death. But one life was taken, and the whole were emancipated, and the vessel was carried into Nassau, New Providence. Noble men! Those who have fallen in freedom’s conflict, their memories will be cherished by the true-hearted and the God-fearing in all future generations; those who are living, their names are surrounded by a halo of glory. Brethren, arise, arise! Strike for your lives and liberties. Now is the day and the hour. Let every slave throughout the land do this, and the days of slavery are numbered. You cannot be more oppressed than you have been—you cannot suffer greater cruelties than you have already. Rather die freemen than live to be slaves. Remember that you are four millions! It is in your power so to torment the God-cursed slaveholders, that they will be glad to let you go free. If the scale was turned, and black men were the masters and white men the slaves, every destructive agent and element would be employed to lay the oppressor low. Danger and death would hang over their heads day and night. Yes, the tyrants would meet with plagues more terrible than those of Pharaoh. But you are a patient people. You act as though you were made for the special use of these devils. You act as though your daughters were born to pamper the lusts of your masters and overseers. And worse than all, you tamely submit while your lords tear your wives from your embraces and defile them before your eyes. In the name of God, we ask, are you men? Where is the blood of your fathers? Has it all run out of your veins? Awake, awake, millions of voices are calling you! Your dead fathers speak to you from their graves. Heaven, as with a voice of thunder, calls on you to arise from the dust. Let your motto be resistance! resistance! resistance! No oppressed people have ever secured their liberty without resistance. What kind of resistance you had better make, you must decide by the circumstances that surround you, and according to the suggestion of expediency. Brethren, adieu! Trust in the living God. Labor for the peace of the human race, and remember that you are four millions.   
―――――――  
Published in Henry Highland Garnet, Walker’s Appeal, with a Brief Sketch of His Life. See also Garnet’s Address to the Slaves of the United States of America. New-York, Printed by J. H. Tobitt, 1848, pages 89–97.


Support Our Work by Buying a T-Shirt